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THE ADVER: THE DOG THAT DIDN’T BARK

Mark Haddon’s book “The Curious Incident Of the Dog In the Night-time” was set in Swindon, referencing the famous dictum by Sherlock Holmes, in the story “The Silver Blaze”

Gregory (Scotland Yard detective): “Is there any other point to which you would wish to draw my attention?”
Holmes: “To the curious incident of the dog in the night-time.”
Gregory: “The dog did nothing in the night-time.”
Holmes: “That was the curious incident.”

Throughout the recent furore concerning Paulo Di Canio, the contrast between the reaction to his appointment at Sunderland and his appointment at Swindon has been pronounced. For example, pompous Tory idiot Iain Dale:

It was OK for him to manage little old Swindon Town in League One, but oh no, the thought of him managing Premier League Sunderland is repellent. No, I’ll tell you what is repellent – it’s the so-called ‘liberal left’ deciding who should do what based on whether someone conforms to their own idea of normality or political acceptability. And then, only deciding to enforce their own illiberal ideas when it suits them. Where were the howls of indignation when Di Canio took over at Swindon Town? No one cared, because, well, it was only little old Swindon, wasn’t it?

finalconflictIt is not entirely true of course that there was no reaction to Di Canio’s appointment at Swindon, as I have explained myself before. Several Swindon Town Fans returned their season tickets in protest at his appointment, as admitted by the Club’s chief executive, Nick Watson, in June 2011. Di Canio’s appointment was also noted by the far right, on the neo-Nazi website Final Conflict. (This was not a spoof). Opposition to Di Canio’s appointment at Swindon was also reported in the national press, for example the Daily Mail.

But certainly pressure on Sunderland AFC has been much more sustained. Even the American NBC have reported how the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) have called for Di Canio to be sacked by Sunderland’s American owner, Ellis Short.

Abraham Foxman, national director of the Anti-Defamation League, dismissed the statement and said Wednesday that Di Canio should be fired, comparing him to sacked Rutgers basketball coach Mike Rice.

“I would say sports is a very special category. Sports plays a very important role with young people,” he said. “I would say racism or bigotry reverberates in a greater way, so the standard needs to be much higher than, I would say, the manager of a garage.”

“Our society uses athletes and sports figures not only to sell Wheaties and sneakers, but also because they are looked up to as role models,” he said. “Here [with Di Canio], I think firing is appropriate.”

Foxman said he believed people could have “an epiphany” about past mistakes and be given a second chance if they had genuinely changed.

“This is not one of those. He [Di Canio] is very clear what he is. He’s both a fascist and a racist and he’s proud of it,” he said.

“For the moment, he denies it [being a fascist and a racist] because his job is at stake,” he added.


Foxman’s observation that Di Canio’s current weasel words of non-denying denial need to be contextualised by the fact he fighting to keep his job is an obvious point, but one that needs to be repeated. Di Canio’s actions and past statements speak loud and clear. For example, the Sun Newspaper reported with pictures how just a few months before he took over at Swindon, Di Canio had attended the funeral of convicted fascist terrorist, Paolo Signorelli, who spent eight years in gaol after a 1980 bomb attack which killed 85 people. This same story was picked up by the Mail and ITN.

Incidentally, West Ham co-owner David Sullivan has recently said he would never appoint Paolo Di Canio as the club’s manager because of his fascist views.

Di Canio’s evasive and absurd statement that he does not support “the ideology of fascism” (implying that he refuses to renounce allegiance to the history, symbols or deeds of fascism) is flatly contradicted by this picture of Di Canio wearing a T-shirt in 2008, bearing the slogan  ”Dio, Patria, Famiglia” which translates as “God, Country & Family”, a popular slogan used by supporters of the Mussolini regime since the 1920s and still used today by supporters of right-wing extremist parties in Italy. Hope Not Hate have tracked the source to a pro-Mussolini website named Ferlandia Predappio which specialises in far-right memorabilia.

It is also pertinent that while Di Canio has made a point of emphasising that he is  not racist, he has in the past given reason to believe he is anti-Semitic.

When Lazio played Livorno, a team known for its left-wing following, Di Canio also raised his arm in a fascist salute. Whilst the Livorno fans chanted anti-fascist songs, visiting Lazio “Irriducibili” Ultras held up a swastika banner.

Particularly outraged by Di Canio’s salute were various Jewish groups within Italy, including the president of the Italian Maccabi Federation, Vittorio Pavoncello who called on Lazio and the Italian authorities to take action.

However, in a display of abject antisemitism, Di Canio replied arrogantly to the criticism declaring: “If we are in the hands of the Jewish community it’s the end”.

Which brings us again to why the dog didn’t bark when Di Canio started at Swindon. Let us be clear, this is not because Di Canio was outstandingly popular in Swindon, or because people were unconcerned about his fascism. This is the state of opinion IN SWINDON, as evidenced by the Adver’s own poll this week:

swindon advertiser poll do canio

Normally, local papers are keen to prolong controversy, but in the Di Canio case they killed it as soon as they could. This makes business sense as the survival of the paper is predicated upon local sports, and any denial of access to the Town board, manager or boot room would damage its readership, and that would damage it advertising income. The Swindon Advertiser could not afford to rock the boat with the club, and with relative lack of national interest in Swindon Town, this suppressed the story.

In addition, the Swindon Advertiser is now owned by the American giant Newsquest, and has only a perfunctory interest in the reputation of the town, the editing is even done in Oxford now, and there is a steady churn of inexperienced rookie journos; the profits of Newsquest are repatriated to the USA, and UK Newsquest journalists are usually poorly paid, and there has not been a payrise for the last four years. There is a general threat to the quality of local journalism, and therefore to the standards of accountability

But sadly, the Adver did get swept away with ridiculous Di Canio fever, and would it seems happily have invaded Abyssinia for him. Compare this photo of Italian fascists in 2002

irriducibili di canio 

with this poster produced by the Swindon Advertiser:

hartfan

Had they no shame? Did the Adver journalists really NEVER research Di Canio in his nearly two seasons at the County Ground? As professional journalists they should have known about the demonstrations in support of Di Canio by openly anti-semitic fascists at Lazio, but they went out of their way to reproduce the same scenes at Swindon. They let themselves down, they let the club down, and they let the people of Swindon down.

BEDROOM TAX PROTEST

bedroom tax

bedroom tax 2

50 people protested in Swindon today, organised by the Labour Party, and addressed by Martin Wicks and Brian Shakespeare of the Swindon Tenants Campaign Group, and Anne Snelgrove, the former MP, and prospective parliamentary candidate for South Swindon

FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF GMB STRIKE ACTION AGAINST CARILLION

carillion-strike-meeting

Today is the anniversary of the first of 22 days of strike action by GMB members at the Great Western Hospital (GWH) in Swindon, one of the earliest Private Finance Initiative (PFI) build and operate hospitals, and only the second opened by Carillion. This long running industrial dispute between the union and Carillion, over the failure of the company to recognise GMB, the unfair holiday system, and the culture of management bullying, which included years of covering up a system of shakedowns and extortion by supervisors, who terrorised the mainly South Asian women workforce into giving gold, money and other valuables in exchange for shift changes, overtime or holiday approvals. This extortion had been reported to Carillion in at least 2007, and the company was aware of the accusations at director level in at least 2009.

The dispute raised the question of how inappropriate it is for profit driven companpanis like Carillion, with a weak culture of corporate governance, to be operating public services. In January the Observer reported the scandalous failure of care at the Surgicare centre in Hertfordshire, also run by the services group Carillion, which mades somber reading. Three deaths of patients who had been admitted for routine treatment prompted an independent report before Christmas, as the Observer recounts:

the report also contained the admission that nurses dealing with the case at the privately run centre had needed a ventilator at 8.30am the day before the patient died, but “no machine was available”. That admission, along with the report’s further revelation that clinical medical records are missing and that the resident medical officer at the Surgicentre did not ask for a more senior doctor to attend to Ms Mansi as her health deteriorated, has provoked her brother, Michael, to demand the closure of the centre, which has been at the centre of a series of scandals over the past year.

The Carillion run unit had already been investigated over potential failings in the cases of six patients who suffered irreversible sight loss after treatment. There have been 21 serious clinical and patient information incidents since the clinic opened in September 2011. The clinic also lost the records of 8,500 ophthalmology outpatients last year, prompting local MP Stephen McPartland to back calls for Carillion to lose its licence.

Carillion is a giant company, with annual revenue of around £5 billion, employing about 45000 people around the globe. Significantly, it earns millions of pounds from offering facilities management services within the UK public sector.

Carillion, was responsible not only for the design, construction and commissioning of the Swindon GWH, but also for on-going operation and maintenance of the £135 million project. Eric Shaw, in his persuasive book, Losing Labour’s Soul?: New Labour and the Blair Government 1997-2007, discusses how the NHS was taken to the cleaners when negotiating these PFI contracts. Not only did the NHS lack the commercial expertise, and were therefore required to outsource the project negotiations and management at enormous cost; but the contracts for operating the hospitals were developed on a deeply flawed risk model, paying the private companies a premium for assuming risk that was in fact still retained by the NHS as the operator of last resort.

There has to be a suspicion that the subsequent sale of the GWH by Carillion was designed to leverage this advantage, having secured what was probably an excessive original price for the 26 year operational contract, they were able to sell their stake once the real, lower, operational risk was known.

In December 2007, Carillion sold its equity in this project to Land Securities Trillium (LST) along with the Harplands Hospital in North Staffordshire and Glasgow’s Southern General Hospita; being paid £21.5m for the three hospitals. The musical chairs didn’t stop there, as Land Securities then sold Trillium to Telereal in 2009 for £750m to form Telereal Trillium and the 10% stake it had in Trillium PPP Investment Partners fund was then again sold to existing investors in the fund and Semperian PPP Investment Partners was created.

So now it is Semperian who owns the premises and the facilities contract for the Great Western Hospital, but it employs Carillion as a sub-contractor.

Carillion itself was formed by a de-merger from the Tarmac group in 1999, and the corporate rebranding obscured the fact that a construction giant had entered the services market in the public sector. It brought with it the hard-nosed, rapacious and money-grubbing ethos of the construction industry.

There is certainly a compelling similarity between the way Carillion has ignored, belittled and denied the reports of supervisor corruption at the Swindon hospital with the record of Carillion’s construction arm of victimising and blacklisting Health and Safety reps on its building sites. Earlier in 2012, Dave Smith, a former UCATT safety rep gained admissions in Employment Tribunal of the involvement of Liz Keates, HR Director for Carillion, with the blacklist; and it was Liz Keates who advised GMB representatives in February 2012 that Carillion would not be upholding any part of anyone’s grievance at the GWH, after 109 staff had given strong evidence of supervisor racism and bullying, and a number of staff had given testimony of extortion and shake downs by white supervisors and managers from their non-white staff. Ms Keates said that “there was no evidence”: disregarding the testimony of Carillion’s own staff.

The common denominator is a seeming presumption to dismiss staff complaints as nuisance or of no value, even where serious matters of site safety or systematic racism and extortion are involved. Although the Blacklist Support Group had been doing sterling work in exposing the activites of the Construction companies, and UCATT had previously raised the issue with MPs, the blacklisting issue acheived lift-off when GMB joined the dots between Carillion’s malpractice at the Swindon hospital, and the history of unlawful blacklisting by the same company in the construction industry.

It is clear from the evidence being produced to the Scottish Affairs Select Committee investigation that Carillion was involved with the blacklisting Consulting Association from the beginning, and has been one of the most prolific users. However, it is not necessarily the worst company; Sir Robert MacAlpine put up the inital money for the Consulting Association, and at first their director, Callum MacAlpine chaired the meetings . The Chief Officer of the Consulting Association last week gave evidence that it was Balfour Beatty who the most hardline approach to blacklisting.

However, what makes Carillion different, and which is of particular concern, is that it is a very major player in providing public services, running schools, hospitals, and council services paid for out of the public purse. Carillion are a multi-billion pound business, for example its recent bid to run education services in Stafford would have been worth at least £700 million, and could have been worth £5bn over the project life.

If Carillion fails to conduct itself in a manner consistent with the expected ethical standards of the public sector, then it should not be considered for public services contracts.

WILTSHIRE INDUSTRIAL HISTORY

by Rhian Jones, from Morning Star (first published December 2011)

 Wiltshire Industrial History In times of heightened class struggle, increasing knowledge and consciousness of how our predecessors faced similar situations is imperative and this record of the radical local history of Wiltshire is therefore especially welcome.

 Produced by the county’s Trades Council and based on a series of talks given at a local history day school, the book contains five pieces of largely forgotten or unexplored history which lift the lid on Wiltshire’s militant past.

They cover the 19th and 20th centuries, ranging from academic explorations by Professor Adrian Randall on the machine-breaking “Wiltshire outrages” of 1802, and by Steve Poole on the volatile relationship between the county’s rural labourers and the Chartist movement.

Derique Montaut gives a first-hand account of trade union activism in ’60s and ’70s Swindon and there are contributions by Nigel Costley on Wiltshire’s part in the Captain Swing rebellion of agricultural workers and Dave Chapple on Phyllis and Idris Rose, the husband-and-wife team of Communist local councillors in 1960s Trowbridge.

This is history presented in an accessible and engaging style, aimed at a wide general audience rather than an exclusively academic one.

Accordingly, it takes an expansive view of what counts as working-class history and focuses less on debates on “rough” versus “respectable” popular movements in favour of presenting a compelling narrative of the responses of ordinary people to social and political deprivation and oppression.

The narrative also makes room for the buried gems of historical incident, like the Trowbridge chemist imprisoned in 1839 for displaying bullets in his shop window bearing the label “pills for the Tories.”

A commendable blueprint for future collections of local history, the recording of these working-class episodes adds to the sterling work of industrial and social historians in rescuing our radical forerunners, in EP Thompson’s phrase, “from the enormous condescension of posterity.”

Copies can be purchased by sending a cheque for £8.50 per copy (inclusive of postage) to Rosie McGregor, White Horse (Wilts) TUC, 24 Bearfield Buildings, Bradford-on-Avon, Wiltshire, BA15 1RP.

OR BUY IT ONLINE AT http://whitehorsetuc.org/

TEN YEARS OF PFI AT GREAT WESTERN

This week marks the tenth anniversary of the Great Western Hospital (GWH) opening in Swindon, one of the earliest Private Finance Initiative (PFI) build and operate hospitals, and only the second opened by Carillion. The anniversary was marked today by a dozen GMB shop stewards protesting outside, highlighting the long running industrial dispute between the union and Carillion, over the failure of the company to recognise GMB, the unfair holiday system, and the culture of management bullying, which included years of covering up a system of shakedowns and extortion by supervisors, who terrorised the mainly South Asian women workforce into giving gold, money and other valuables in exchange for shift changes, overtime or holiday approvals. This extortion had been reported to Carillion in at least 2007, and the company was aware of the accusations at director level in at least 2009.

Carillion, was responsible not only for the design, construction and commissioning, but also for on-going operation and maintenance of the  £135 million project. Eric Shaw, in his persuasive book, Losing Labour’s Soul?: New Labour and the Blair Government 1997-2007, discusses how the NHS was taken to the cleaners when negotiating these PFI contracts. Not only did the NHS lack the commercial expertise, and were therefore required to outsource the project negotiations and management at enormous cost; but the contracts for operating the hospitals were developed on a deeply flawed risk model, paying the private companies a premium for assuming risk that was in fact still retained by the NHS as the operator of last resort.

There has to be a suspicion that the subsequent sale of the GWH by Carillion was designed to leverage this advantage, having secured what was probably an excessive original price for the 26 year operational contract, they were able to sell their stake once the real, lower, operational risk was known.

In December 2007, Carillion sold its equity in this project to Land Securities Trillium (LST) along with the Harplands Hospital in North Staffordshire and Glasgow’s Southern General Hospita; being paid £21.5m for the three hospitals. The musical chairs didn’t stop there, as Land Securities then sold Trillium to Telereal in 2009 for £750m to form Telereal Trillium and the 10% stake it had in Trillium PPP Investment Partners fund was then again sold to existing investors in the fund and Semperian PPP Investment Partners was created.

So now it is Semperian who owns the premises and the facilities contract for the Great Western Hospital, but it employs Carillion as a sub-contractor.

Carillion itself was formed by a de-merger from the Tarmac group in 1999, and the corporate rebranding obscured the fact that a construction giant had entered the services market in the public sector. It brought with it the hard-nosed, rapacious and money-grubbing ethos of the construction industry.

There is certainly a compelling similarity between the way Carillion has ignored, belittled and denied the reports of supervisor corruption at the Swindon hospital with the record of Carillion’s construction arm of victimising and blacklisting Health and Safety reps on its building sites. Earlier in 2012, Dave Smith, a  former UCATT safety rep gained admissions in Employment Tribunal of the involvement of Liz Keates, HR Director for Carillion, with the blacklist; and it was Liz Keates who advised GMB representatives in February 2012 that Carillion would not be upholding any part of anyone’s grievance at the GWH, after 109 staff had given strong evidence of supervisor racism and bullying, and a number of staff had given testimony of extortion and shake downs by white supervisors and managers from their non-white staff. Ms Keates said that “there was no evidence”: disregarding the testimony of Carillion’s own staff.

The common denominator is a seeming presumption to dismiss staff complaints as nuisance or of no value, even where serious matters of site safety or systematic racism and extortion are involved. Although the Blacklist Support Group had been doing sterling work in exposing the activites of the Construction companies, and UCATT had previously raised the issue with MPs, the blacklisting issue acheived lift-off when GMB joined the dots between Carillion’s malpractice at the Swindon hospital, and the history of unlawful blacklisting by the same company  in the construction industry.

It is clear from the evidence being produced to the Scottish Affairs Select Committee investigation that Carillion was involved with the blacklisting Consulting Association from the beginning, and has been one of the most prolific users. However, it is not necessarily the worst company; Sir Robert MacAlpine put up the inital money for the Consulting Association, and at first their director, Callum MacAlpine chaired the meetings . The Chief Officer of the Consulting Association last week gave evidence that it was Balfour Beatty who the most hardline approach to blacklisting.

However, what makes Carillion different, and which is of particular concern, is that it is a very major player in providing public services, running schools, hospitals, and council services paid for out of the public purse. Carillion are a multi-billion pound business, for example its recent bid to run education services in Stafford would have been worth at least £700 million, and could have been worth £5bn over the project life.

If Carillion fails to conduct itself in a manner consistent with the expected ethical standards of the public sector, then it should not be considered for public services contracts.

LIB DEM VOTE COLLAPSES IN WILTSHIRE

Lib Dems go from 30% in 2010 across Wiltshire to 4th behind Labour and an Independent. Very good result for Labour, coming second across Wiltshire for the first time in my recollection. This is a very promising result for Labour in the 2014 Euro elections, where Labour currently have no MEPs for the South West Euro-constituency.

The police commissioner result is interesting, because Wiltshire is typical of those parts of the West Country where Labour has never historically managed to displace the Liberals to become the second party. This carried with it the mixed blessing that Chippenham will almost certainly swing from the Liberals to Tory at the next election.

Angus MacPherson Tory 35,319 including 6,761 second preferences from bottom four candidates – 62.5%

Clare Moody 21,157 including 4.959 second preferences – 37.5%

Rejected second preferences 5,308 mainly due to no 2nd preference shown for 2 remaining candidates.

Swindon turnout 14.68%
Wiltshire turnout 16.35%

Overall turnout 15.83%

First preferences across whole county

MacPherson Tory 28,558

Moody 16,198

Skelton Ind. 11,446

Batchelor Lib Dem 10,130

Short UKIP 7,250

Silcock Ind, 5,212

Spoilt 2,683